ZIMBABWE - LETTER FROM THE DIASPORA !
12th July 2008
Dear Friends,
Article 21(3) of the United Nations Charter on Human Rights declares. "The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections."
The key word there is 'genuine'. Did the Presidential runoff on June 27 constitute a 'genuine' election? With massive intimidation of the opposition beforehand and only one candidate it is hard to see how anyone can claim that the result reflected the 'will of the people which is the basis of the authority of government.' Election observers from the AU, the PAP and SADC were unanimous that the conditions for free and fair election simply did not exist. The haste with which Robert Mugabe declared himself president even before the results had been announced was a clear indication to the nation and the world of his contempt for the democratic process and international opinion. In effect, he was challenging the world to recognise him as President for another five years.
Speaking on July 9th Bright Matonga declared, " The people of Zimbabwe made a decision on June 27 and that decision has to be respected." With more than 100 killings, over 1500 MDC activists in prison, 5000 polling agents missing and at least 20 elected opposition MPs either in prison or in hiding, it was no surprise that the western powers should state categorically that they did not recognise Robert Mugabe as president of Zimbabwe. Now the UN is locked in fierce debate on what to do about Zimbabwe. The invasion of Iraq has shown that military intervention against dictatorships does not solve the problem in the long term and only causes immense human suffering for the general population. The imposition of sanctions appears to be the only answer. Not general sanctions against the Zimbabwean people but sanctions aimed specifically at the clique of top military men surrounding Mugabe and keeping him in power. There are thirteen of them and a draft UN resolution has named and shamed them. They are the men who have ruthlessly set about maintaining Mugabe's grip on power by nothing less than the total extermination of the opposition in an onslaught of violence that includes rape, murder and horrific torture.
All week long the papers here have been analysing whether or not sanctions work. Paul Vallely writing in The Independent (10.07.08) argued the pros and cons of sanctions to deal with rogue regimes. They certainly helped to bring down the apartheid regime in South Africa - something Thabo Mbeki chooses to forget - and since military intervention is unlikely what other option is there to deal with a regime that has earned the revulsion of the rest of the world? Sanctions and an oil embargo could certainly immobilise the military force that is keeping Mugabe in power. On the other side of the argument, Vallely points out that for sanctions to work everyone has to abide by them. That is the weakness of the pro-sanctions argument. Sanctions busting by Mugabe's allies - and he still has some - will destroy the effectiveness of the measure.
Inside the country, Zanu PF apologists have descended as always to the politics of race. Sikhanyiso Ndlovu, the Minister of Information claims in The Herald, that all this is nothing more than 'international racism' and 'an attempt to impose a government on the people of Zimbabwe.' His side kick, Bright Matonga, never shy of playing the race card, despite having a British wife, says the west "wants to undermine the AU and President Mbeki's mediation because they think only white people think better. It is an insult to African leaders." And what of the African leaders themselves? Sanctions, they say, will only harm Zimbabwe; Thabo Mbeki of course agrees. He has a short memory; it was the ANC who called for sanctions against the apartheid regime. While the debate rages on at the UN, Mbeki conveniently convenes a meeting of Zanu PF and the MDC just in time to assure the rest of the world that there is no need for sanctions since talks are already underway to form a Government of National Unity. No surprise to learn the Mugabe will continue to head that government and the MDC will be swallowed up. The sickening picture of a smiling Arthur Mutambara shaking hands with Mugabe at State House tells Zimbabweans very clearly how this is going to go but the people are not fools; they have every reason to know that Mugabe and Zanu PF are not to be trusted. Mugabe and his political soul mate, the chosen SADC negotiator, Thabo Mbeki, share the same mindset: Africa's liberation was won through the barrel of a gun and no mere cross on a ballot paper can change that. Meanwhile the killing, raping and burning continues. There are an estimated 200.000 people displaced because of the violence. "It is the MDC" says Nicholas Goche, "who committed the violence to create sympathy to coincide with the G8 Summit…to give the impression that there is increasing political violence and that people are still being beaten, but all that is false." At the UN the Zimbabwean delegation warns that sanctions "will push Zimbabwe towards a civil war." Zimbabweans know very well that it is not sanctions that 'will push the country towards civil war' it is Mugabe's own militia and war vets under the control of the military who are already doing that. Sanctions, if universally applied, would make it impossible for these criminals to travel outside the country or access their vast fortunes salted away in foreign bank accounts. The imposition of a strict arms embargo would mean that the regime was no longer be able to buy arms to kill their own countrymen and women.
In the light of near-universal condemnation from the world community, Mugabe can no longer claim that all is well in Zimbabwe and not all his racist ranting can make it so. What Zimbabwe needs is an honest, impartial negotiator to help solve the impasse. While Thabo Mbeki drones on about how only Zimbabweans can solve their own problems, his every moves demonstrates his own partiality, even to the extent of rejecting a UN negotiator to help solve the problem. Since the sham election of June 27 thousands more Zimbabwean refugees have flooded into South Africa and still this stubborn man cannot bring himself to admit that he has utterly failed to bring an end to the crisis. Even the world football body FIFA has warned South Africa that holding the 2010 World Cup is in doubt if the situation is not brought under control in Zimbabwe. Nothing moves Mbeki. One has to wonder what it is, apart from the so-called Liberation Credentials, that tie him so closely to Robert Mugabe and his disgraced regime. Perhaps if we knew the answer to that question we might be a step nearer to finding a solution. How much more African blood has to be shed, how many more women have to be gang raped and children be orphaned before Mbeki acts to stop the madness?
The key word there is 'genuine'. Did the Presidential runoff on June 27 constitute a 'genuine' election? With massive intimidation of the opposition beforehand and only one candidate it is hard to see how anyone can claim that the result reflected the 'will of the people which is the basis of the authority of government.' Election observers from the AU, the PAP and SADC were unanimous that the conditions for free and fair election simply did not exist. The haste with which Robert Mugabe declared himself president even before the results had been announced was a clear indication to the nation and the world of his contempt for the democratic process and international opinion. In effect, he was challenging the world to recognise him as President for another five years.
Speaking on July 9th Bright Matonga declared, " The people of Zimbabwe made a decision on June 27 and that decision has to be respected." With more than 100 killings, over 1500 MDC activists in prison, 5000 polling agents missing and at least 20 elected opposition MPs either in prison or in hiding, it was no surprise that the western powers should state categorically that they did not recognise Robert Mugabe as president of Zimbabwe. Now the UN is locked in fierce debate on what to do about Zimbabwe. The invasion of Iraq has shown that military intervention against dictatorships does not solve the problem in the long term and only causes immense human suffering for the general population. The imposition of sanctions appears to be the only answer. Not general sanctions against the Zimbabwean people but sanctions aimed specifically at the clique of top military men surrounding Mugabe and keeping him in power. There are thirteen of them and a draft UN resolution has named and shamed them. They are the men who have ruthlessly set about maintaining Mugabe's grip on power by nothing less than the total extermination of the opposition in an onslaught of violence that includes rape, murder and horrific torture.
All week long the papers here have been analysing whether or not sanctions work. Paul Vallely writing in The Independent (10.07.08) argued the pros and cons of sanctions to deal with rogue regimes. They certainly helped to bring down the apartheid regime in South Africa - something Thabo Mbeki chooses to forget - and since military intervention is unlikely what other option is there to deal with a regime that has earned the revulsion of the rest of the world? Sanctions and an oil embargo could certainly immobilise the military force that is keeping Mugabe in power. On the other side of the argument, Vallely points out that for sanctions to work everyone has to abide by them. That is the weakness of the pro-sanctions argument. Sanctions busting by Mugabe's allies - and he still has some - will destroy the effectiveness of the measure.
Inside the country, Zanu PF apologists have descended as always to the politics of race. Sikhanyiso Ndlovu, the Minister of Information claims in The Herald, that all this is nothing more than 'international racism' and 'an attempt to impose a government on the people of Zimbabwe.' His side kick, Bright Matonga, never shy of playing the race card, despite having a British wife, says the west "wants to undermine the AU and President Mbeki's mediation because they think only white people think better. It is an insult to African leaders." And what of the African leaders themselves? Sanctions, they say, will only harm Zimbabwe; Thabo Mbeki of course agrees. He has a short memory; it was the ANC who called for sanctions against the apartheid regime. While the debate rages on at the UN, Mbeki conveniently convenes a meeting of Zanu PF and the MDC just in time to assure the rest of the world that there is no need for sanctions since talks are already underway to form a Government of National Unity. No surprise to learn the Mugabe will continue to head that government and the MDC will be swallowed up. The sickening picture of a smiling Arthur Mutambara shaking hands with Mugabe at State House tells Zimbabweans very clearly how this is going to go but the people are not fools; they have every reason to know that Mugabe and Zanu PF are not to be trusted. Mugabe and his political soul mate, the chosen SADC negotiator, Thabo Mbeki, share the same mindset: Africa's liberation was won through the barrel of a gun and no mere cross on a ballot paper can change that. Meanwhile the killing, raping and burning continues. There are an estimated 200.000 people displaced because of the violence. "It is the MDC" says Nicholas Goche, "who committed the violence to create sympathy to coincide with the G8 Summit…to give the impression that there is increasing political violence and that people are still being beaten, but all that is false." At the UN the Zimbabwean delegation warns that sanctions "will push Zimbabwe towards a civil war." Zimbabweans know very well that it is not sanctions that 'will push the country towards civil war' it is Mugabe's own militia and war vets under the control of the military who are already doing that. Sanctions, if universally applied, would make it impossible for these criminals to travel outside the country or access their vast fortunes salted away in foreign bank accounts. The imposition of a strict arms embargo would mean that the regime was no longer be able to buy arms to kill their own countrymen and women.
In the light of near-universal condemnation from the world community, Mugabe can no longer claim that all is well in Zimbabwe and not all his racist ranting can make it so. What Zimbabwe needs is an honest, impartial negotiator to help solve the impasse. While Thabo Mbeki drones on about how only Zimbabweans can solve their own problems, his every moves demonstrates his own partiality, even to the extent of rejecting a UN negotiator to help solve the problem. Since the sham election of June 27 thousands more Zimbabwean refugees have flooded into South Africa and still this stubborn man cannot bring himself to admit that he has utterly failed to bring an end to the crisis. Even the world football body FIFA has warned South Africa that holding the 2010 World Cup is in doubt if the situation is not brought under control in Zimbabwe. Nothing moves Mbeki. One has to wonder what it is, apart from the so-called Liberation Credentials, that tie him so closely to Robert Mugabe and his disgraced regime. Perhaps if we knew the answer to that question we might be a step nearer to finding a solution. How much more African blood has to be shed, how many more women have to be gang raped and children be orphaned before Mbeki acts to stop the madness?
Yours in the (continuing) struggle. PH http://www.lulu.com/content/2752118
Labels: Zimbabwe Diaspora
posted by jackaranda at 11:09 am
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